Rather than focusing on one particular regulation or act, this
article will focus on the policy processes behind the legislation in an
attempt to explain why the government has become galvanized around the
issue, and why legislative attention is not likely to shift in the
near-term.
Several high-profile companies have acknowledged losing personal data.
The rate at which such losses actually occur can be safely estimated at
rates much higher than the frequency with which they are acknowledged.
Deborah Platt Majors, the Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission
(FTC) recently appeared before the Congress to testify about the
security of personal information. In her prepared statement, Chairman
Platt Majors detailed ways in which the private sector can assist in
fighting the growth of identity theft. Among the measures that
businesses can take, she suggests more thorough authentication
procedures, a process through which the business can help victims
recover, and adherence to the principles outlined in the FTC’s
publication, Information Compromise and the Risk of Identity Theft:
Guidance for Your Business. She concluded by saying that the
Commission is committed to the protection of personal data.
Clearly, the message communicated by her statement, and the fact that
Congress was actually holding hearings on the matter of consumer
privacy, is that the government is only going to become more involved
over the years in mandating protective measures for personal
information. In order to understand the current hyper-regulatory
environment surrounding personally identifiable information, it is
necessary to have a cursory understanding of the policy process. The
models of policy process and creation are numerous, but all seem to
share the basic traits of David Easton’s (noted scholar and researcher
on issues of political structures and theories) model of the Political
System. Simply put, the system is comprised of inputs, which are fed
into the “black box” of government. Within this box are actors who
make decisions based on the inputs. The results of these deliberations
are policy outputs.
Easton’s model of the political system converges nicely with Anthony
Downs’ theory of policymaking, as well. Anthony Downs is a renowned
scholar specializing in issues of democracy and urban policy. Downs
developed a theory describing the cycle that instigates policy change
in the United States. His theory basically says that if only the
politicians and experts are aware of a problem, it is less likely to
garner political attention than if the media and public are aware of
the issue and began to pressure their political representatives for
action. He describes this process as the Issue Attention Cycle or IAC.
Downs’ model of IAC includes five main stages: Pre-problem, Alarmed
Discovery, Realizing Cost of Progress, Decline of Public Interest, and
Post-problem. In the Pre-problem stage, very few people are aware of
the issue. This is not to convey that there is not a problem, merely
that the awareness of the issue is not prevalent. This stage is
followed by the “Alarmed Discovery” of the problem. During this stage,
the media and the public may issue an outcry for the politicians to
take some action to counter the problem. The next stage is “Realizing
the cost of progress.” As the name suggests, at this stage the public
is made aware of the measures that are required to correct the
situation. “Decline of Public Interest” quickly follows. The next
stage of the cycle is the decline of public interest. This occurs for
two reasons primarily. One reason for which the public may lose
interest is that the government solution may have solved, or at least
mitigated, the issue to the point at which the public is mollified.
Conversely, the public may have realized that the cost of fixing the
problem outweighs the benefits. Lastly, the cycle culminates in the
Post-Problem phase. At this point, the issue reverts from the public
eye and again becomes largely the concern of issue experts.
Presently, it would seem that the issue is hovering between the
“Alarmed Discovery” and “Realizing the Cost of Progress” stages. As
the public, the business world, and governments all discover the issue
of consumer privacy and the costs of ensuring said privacy, this
“feedback” is all being delivered into the political system. The
result is tangible. In the 108th Congress, 173 bills were proposed
that dealt with privacy. In the first several months of the 109th
Congress fifty such bills have already been introduced. Congress is
attempting to deal with a very real and costly phenomenon without being
overly burdensome to business.
There are two public policy theories at work here. The first is the
incremental nature of change in public policy. According to public
administration scholar Charles Lindblom the government moves in
incremental stages because the ends of government in a democratic
society are fluid and undertaking paradigm changing policy shifts may
not be in the continued best interest, or the perceived interest, of
the constituents. Additionally, as is the case with issues that are
relatively new, Congress may not necessarily be certain what
legislative measures are required. For that reason, it is more likely
that Congress would pass a number of laws instigating minor changes as
opposed to passing one law that mandates sweeping changes to the way
business in conducted. Examples of the incremental nature of privacy
policy change abound. They include the reluctance of Congress to grant
greater powers of privacy regulation to the FTC, stating that the power
to enforce privacy policies is granted to the body in its charter.
Additionally, notice that Congress has shied away from passing one,
all-encompassing law regarding personal privacy. Rather, the laws
that are being proposed and passed are aimed at specific business
segments: those that market to children, financial services, and
healthcare providers. Over time, these laws may be refined or even
combined based upon their effectiveness and changes in the business and
legal environment.
The second theory working in this situation is that of policy learning.
This phenomenon is complementary to incrementalism. It is imperative
to understand that policy creation is a dynamic process. As policy is
created it is also monitored by the agencies charged with the
implementation of that policy. Frequently, bills include measures in
which the agency must appear before Congress within 1-2 years with a
report on the effectiveness of the policy. Through such reports,
Congress can better understand whether or not the policy is having the
desired effect. It is not uncommon to find that policies are having a
beneficial effect, just not the effect that was expected. For example,
a local government may implement an after school program designed to
help at-risk youth improve their standardized test scores. At the
annual program review, the government may find that while the impact on
test scores was minimal, the drop-out rate among that group decreased
dramatically. Few would deny the benefit of reducing the drop-out
rate, but it was not the effect that was envisioned when the program
was implemented.
Taking these two theories, incrementalism and policy learning, together
it is not likely that Congress will pass an omnibus privacy law in the
mold of the EU Data Privacy Directive any time in the near future.
Though some comprehensive bills have been introduced on the floor, it
is more likely that Congress will continue to pass laws specific to
certain business segments or models until privacy regulations begin to
converge and share due standards of care and baselines of security for
consumer data. At that point, it would not be surprising to see the
privacy regulations consolidated.
The point in this very brief lesson in public policy is that privacy
legislation is not something that can be ignored. Though many
businesses would like to hide their heads in the sand, it is more
prudent to address the issue head-on, taking a proactive approach to
privacy. Privacy is not an issue merely for processors and merchants,
but is an issue that every company must face. Better to address it
sooner, rather than later when the cost of retrofitting company policy,
practice and infrastructure goes up and regulatory scrutiny becomes
even more intense.
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